dolfan wrote:Unless the tactic is prolonged or involves severe electrical shock or burning, it doesn't meet my personal definition of torture when it comes to getting info on terrorism. My definition would change, of course, as the stakes go down. And up.
The Wikipedia article
Bagram torture and prisoner abuse documents two homicides by U.S. military torture.
Damien Corsetti gave
an interview in which he claimed regular physical abuse that was not accompanied even by interrogation.
A couple of years ago I heard an interview of
Benamar Benatta, who claimed that he was regularly beaten and kicked for five years in U.S. prisons in order to extract terrorist information from him, even though he had been cleared by the FBI and INF of any connection to 9/11 within only a few months of his illegal extradition from Canada.
This U.S. Department of Justice training report against abuse mentions that "the Benatta case is one of many examples in which particular arms of the criminal justice system—-law enforcement, prosecution, INS agents—-target individuals based on inadequate or incomplete information on the assumption that further incriminating information (that is, giving up names of associates) can be squeezed out of them while they are in custody." The references to "overreactive responses" and trying to "sqeeze out" information appear to be incidental or intentional confirmation of Benatta's story of physical abuse.
These incidents happened in part because the Bush Administration in its early years argued for this definition of torture in the "standards of conduct for interrogation":
"equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death." Parse that definition carefully and you find that any practice up to but not including death may fall outside the legal definition of torture.
As for waterboarding, the article
Waterboarding: Still Torture After All These Years notes that waterboarding was regularly practised by the Khmer Rouge and the Nazis, and that the United States tried and convicted Japanese soldiers of inflicting it on U.S. soldiers as a war crime.
As for Dick Cheney's claim, that man lost his credibility when he, according to the U.S. Senate's
Report on Whether Public Statements Regarding Iraq by U.S. Government Officials were Substantiated by Intelligence Information Together with Additional and Minority Views, falsified intelligence to drum up support for the Iraq War. (See summaries of this report in
my post here). Intelligence officers have claimed in
an interview with ABC News, albeit anonymously, that more instances of waterboarding occurred. And
this critique astutely asks an obvious question: Does Hayden's and Cheney's claim to only three occasions of waterboarding foreclose it's occurrence as contracted out to third parties?
Dolfan, this is not, on my part, a matter of one-ups-manship. It is a serious policy issue that deserves careful consideration. My impression is that the mortal standard of torture defined by the Beebee memo was used either explicitly or tacitly to promote excessive physical and phychological abuse, issuing in at least two cases of homicide. To downplay what happened at Abu-Ghraib, Bagram, Guantanamo, and to Benatta is, in my opinion, moral and civil dereliction.